Tigrian Genocide by Ethiopian and Eritrean Goverment
I am writing to you as both a concerned citizen and a witness to the most recent ethnic violence that has plagued Ethiopia. For more than four weeks, Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia's military forces has waged a war against its citizens from the Tigray regional state, resulting in tens of thousands of refugees, hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people, and an unknown number of civilians that were massacred through a combination of airstrikes, artillery fire, and attacks by armed militias. Reports from the ground indicate that the attacks are being perpetrated by Amhara militias from the south, Eritrean troops from the north, and the ENDF with the support of the UAE from the air. Since the 15th of November 2020, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV’s) provided by non-African actors have joined the war. Countless civilians are reported to have been injured or killed. Additionally, there are reports that troops from Somalia and UN peacekeepers were recruited to support the Prime Minister’s ground warfare on Tigray. Despite Abiy Ahmed’s claims that civilian casualties are rare, testimonies from survivors indicate that the civilian toll of this conflict is substantially more. In addition to waging active war, since November 4, 2020 the Abiy Ahmed has threatened the livelihoods of millions of Tigrayan civilians through the blockage of electricity, internet, other forms of telecommunications, humanitarian aid, and water. The inability to access the basic supplies necessary for survival will have a particularly deleterious effect on the thousands of Tigrayans dependent on international food aid (including tens of thousands of Eritrean refugees). The bombing of critical infrastructure like the Tekeze dam, used primarily to generate electricity, also highlights the Federal government’s desire to ensure that the people have no access to alternative solutions for survival. There also seems to be a concerted effort to psychologically terrorize the population through state-sponsored propaganda. It is also of grave concern that international entities like Amnesty International are not impartial in their investigations of events on the ground including the massacre at Mai Kadra in which victims of the attack appear to be depicted as perpetrators. This week, the PM and General Dejenie Tsegaye announced that Federal troops were surrounding Mekelle and that the TPLF had 72 hours to surrender. They stated that any Tigrayans that did not help to give up their leadership would be shown no mercy.
We want to send a message to the public in Mekelle to save yourselves from any artillery attacks and free yourselves from the junta … After that, there will be no mercy...
Given the densely populated nature of the city of Mekelle (over 500,000 inhabitants) and the potential damage to infrastructure critical for civilians such as schools and hospitals, should these actions be taken, Federal forces may be held liable for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
In addition to the multi-pronged attack on the physical, social, economic, and psychological safety and wellbeing of Tigrayans in Tigray, there are also reports of ethnic profiling and the persecution of Tigrayans in other parts of the country. For example, one UN report described federal police being given the order to identify and enumerate all Tigrayans working in government agencies and NGOs. Additionally, the African Union security head was fired because of his Tigrayan origin, and more than 200 Tigrayan peacekeepers were disarmed in Somalia. To date, activists reported that more than 50,000 Tigrayan members of the Ethiopian Defense Force (ENDF), federal government employees, and civilians are said to be detained in inaccessible rural concentration camps. There are also reports that the homes of Tigrayans (many of whom are not politically affiliated) in the capital of Addis Ababa are being searched by Federal police without warrants and that people of Tigrayan origin, irrespective of their citizenship, are not allowed to fly out of the international airport.
As we know, in the aftermath of the atrocities committed in the Balkans and Rwanda in the 1990s, United Nations Member States adopted the “principle of the responsibility to protect” in order to mitigate the repetition of similar humanitarian catastrophes. More specifically, in paragraph 138 of the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document state that heads of State and Government hold the “responsibility to protect their own populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.” In the event that a state is unwilling or unable to do so, paragraph 139 indicates that member states committed to a “preparedness to take timely and decisive action, in accordance with the United Nations Charter and in cooperation with relevant regional organizations, when national authorities manifestly fail to protect their populations.”
In this context, we are prepared to take collective action, in a timely and decisive manner, through the Security Council, in accordance with the Charter, including Chapter VII, on a case-by-case basis and in cooperation with relevant regional organizations as appropriate, should peaceful means be inadequate and national authorities manifestly fail to protect their populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. We stress the need for the General Assembly to continue consideration of the responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and its implications, bearing in mind the principles of the Charter and international law.
The four main acts that the provisions highlighted within United Nation’s Responsibility to Protect (R2P or RtoP) (i.e., genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity) are currently being perpetrated against the people of Tigray today. These four provisions are evident in the Abiy Ahmed’s actions including but not limited to the: systematic profiling, harassment and detainment of people based solely on their ethnic background, the active war waged on the Tigrayan region, the strategic blockade of all goods necessary for survival, the blocking of access for humanitarian agencies, and the state-sponsored massacres of civilians. Exacerbating the issue is the removal of independent journalists, most recently including a reporter for the International Crisis Group who would otherwise be able to provide insight into what is occurring on the ground. The majority of the people suffering are likely the elderly, women, and children. The continuation of the conflict will likely lead to mass starvation in Tigray.
Despite domestic and international attempts to resolve the constitutional and political crises through dialogue, Ahmed has ignored them, opting instead to resolve it through a brutal military campaign. This approach is not befitting of a Nobel Peace Prize winner praised initially for heralding a new era of democracy and prosperity. In addition to the direct cost of the conflict, its continuation will likely indirectly destabilize an already volatile region. Therefore, it is my sincere hope that the security council will condemn the war and pressure the Federal government to accept solutions in the mediation room instead of the battlefield.
We ask the member of congress and senators to uphold their commitment to morality, humanity and peaceful coexistence. We fear if the international community does not do so through an intervention in the current conflict in Ethiopia, there will be a significant loss of life and the continued fragmentation of the social fabric of the various nations and nationalities in Ethiopia.
It is my sincere hope that you bring both parties to the table and end the conflict in Tigray.
We want to send a message to the public in Mekelle to save yourselves from any artillery attacks and free yourselves from the junta … After that, there will be no mercy...
Given the densely populated nature of the city of Mekelle (over 500,000 inhabitants) and the potential damage to infrastructure critical for civilians such as schools and hospitals, should these actions be taken, Federal forces may be held liable for war crimes and crimes against humanity.
In addition to the multi-pronged attack on the physical, social, economic, and psychological safety and wellbeing of Tigrayans in Tigray, there are also reports of ethnic profiling and the persecution of Tigrayans in other parts of the country. For example, one UN report described federal police being given the order to identify and enumerate all Tigrayans working in government agencies and NGOs. Additionally, the African Union security head was fired because of his Tigrayan origin, and more than 200 Tigrayan peacekeepers were disarmed in Somalia. To date, activists reported that more than 50,000 Tigrayan members of the Ethiopian Defense Force (ENDF), federal government employees, and civilians are said to be detained in inaccessible rural concentration camps. There are also reports that the homes of Tigrayans (many of whom are not politically affiliated) in the capital of Addis Ababa are being searched by Federal police without warrants and that people of Tigrayan origin, irrespective of their citizenship, are not allowed to fly out of the international airport.
As we know, in the aftermath of the atrocities committed in the Balkans and Rwanda in the 1990s, United Nations Member States adopted the “principle of the responsibility to protect” in order to mitigate the repetition of similar humanitarian catastrophes. More specifically, in paragraph 138 of the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document state that heads of State and Government hold the “responsibility to protect their own populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.” In the event that a state is unwilling or unable to do so, paragraph 139 indicates that member states committed to a “preparedness to take timely and decisive action, in accordance with the United Nations Charter and in cooperation with relevant regional organizations, when national authorities manifestly fail to protect their populations.”
In this context, we are prepared to take collective action, in a timely and decisive manner, through the Security Council, in accordance with the Charter, including Chapter VII, on a case-by-case basis and in cooperation with relevant regional organizations as appropriate, should peaceful means be inadequate and national authorities manifestly fail to protect their populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. We stress the need for the General Assembly to continue consideration of the responsibility to protect populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and its implications, bearing in mind the principles of the Charter and international law.
The four main acts that the provisions highlighted within United Nation’s Responsibility to Protect (R2P or RtoP) (i.e., genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity) are currently being perpetrated against the people of Tigray today. These four provisions are evident in the Abiy Ahmed’s actions including but not limited to the: systematic profiling, harassment and detainment of people based solely on their ethnic background, the active war waged on the Tigrayan region, the strategic blockade of all goods necessary for survival, the blocking of access for humanitarian agencies, and the state-sponsored massacres of civilians. Exacerbating the issue is the removal of independent journalists, most recently including a reporter for the International Crisis Group who would otherwise be able to provide insight into what is occurring on the ground. The majority of the people suffering are likely the elderly, women, and children. The continuation of the conflict will likely lead to mass starvation in Tigray.
Despite domestic and international attempts to resolve the constitutional and political crises through dialogue, Ahmed has ignored them, opting instead to resolve it through a brutal military campaign. This approach is not befitting of a Nobel Peace Prize winner praised initially for heralding a new era of democracy and prosperity. In addition to the direct cost of the conflict, its continuation will likely indirectly destabilize an already volatile region. Therefore, it is my sincere hope that the security council will condemn the war and pressure the Federal government to accept solutions in the mediation room instead of the battlefield.
We ask the member of congress and senators to uphold their commitment to morality, humanity and peaceful coexistence. We fear if the international community does not do so through an intervention in the current conflict in Ethiopia, there will be a significant loss of life and the continued fragmentation of the social fabric of the various nations and nationalities in Ethiopia.
It is my sincere hope that you bring both parties to the table and end the conflict in Tigray.
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